Antagonism between particular metropolitan areas has a longer pedigree than supposed national antagonism does, but the population of such areas are not assumed to have access to national status on these grounds. To conflate the struggle of workers with that of nationalists and to accuse those who support the former but not the latter of "sectarianism" is the same as asking "When have you stopped beating your wife?" If everyone adopted âbeggar-thy-neighbourâ economic nationalism, then the experience of the 1930s shows it would be catastrophic. As to the views expressed by AIW, Resources are usually seen in strategic terms, not in terms of simple exploitation. On the contrary. yes exactly. Secondly, it is madness to expect Britain to impose âcivilisedâ behaviour on an ally such as Israel. This ânationâ must often inclÂ¬ude many who do not meet its supposedly defining attributes; regional, linguistic, cultural, religious and sometimes ânationalâ minorities. The proponents of economic nationalism are economically illiterate. Some of these forces would paint their nationalist state-capitalism in the colours of communism, but nonetheless represented movements to establish a viable nation-state with an exploited working class and a commodity producing (state-) capitalist economy. Which is exactly what the nationalists in Hamas and Fatah do while repressing political opponents. Both Hamas and Fatah have made kidnapping and assassination attempts on the same trade unionists. The AFed excludes the majority of Anarchist Communists from membership by having precise "positions" on issues other than Anarchist Communism. Any âsolutionâ that means endless cycles of conflict, which is what nationalism represents, is no solution at all. Nonetheless most of the âpeoplesâ who would come to form ânationsâ later on still did not see themselves in national terms, and did not see a moral aberration in rule by elites who spoke a different language, for the main reason that there were no unified national languages in a world of local dialects and widespread illiteracy. In some cases it utilises crude racism, in other cases it is more sophisticated. We hope that this text will circulate as widely as our original leaflets did, which were translated into Spanish and Polish and reproduced as far away as Central America, and open debate within the wider anti-state communist movement. The evolution of the nation-state and capitalism were bound up, each catalysing the development of the other. How could we? there were war crimes committed left right and centre, there's arguably an intention to ethnically cleanse the whole area by immiserating the non-jewish population into emigration, but there is simply no nazi-style industrial extermination of palestinians, which throws out the whole Warsaw Ghetto analogy anyway. For example, concepts such as 'right to defend' for groups of nations and 'right to return' do not make any sense when you're actually against nations (and pro-working class everywhere, including Palestine and Israel). Firstly, the state will not concede anything to us unless the working class â the vast majority of us who can only live off our ability to work for others â is in a confident enough position to force those concessions through collective action. In the post-war period, this consolidation of leftism with patriotism determined the left character of various colonial national liberation movements, making nationalism a key component of the left internationally, and the left the midwife of nationalist movements around the world. When the old dynasties attempted to reconcile themselves with modern nationalism in the age of its dominance they did so at their own peril: Kaiser Wilhelm II, though increasingly marginalised during the First World War, positioned himself as the nationâs leading German, therefore implying some form of responsibility to the German people and national interest - and thus the conclusion that he had failed in this responsibility, the very conclusion which led to his abdication. The second paragraph of the pamphlet says as much. It is an organised parochialism, designed to split the working class - which as a position within the economic system is international - along national lines. Engels famously remarked that he did not see the Czechs surviving as an independent people for this reason. Moreover, there are countries, such as Madagascar, and areas, such as large swathes of Latin America, where the âraceâ of the population is a mixed one. A Yes would make Europe more divided and less able to play positive role on the world stage. The absence of Western imperialism does not bring peace, and national liberation does not lead to self-determination, an impossibility in the capitalist world. Economic nationalism prioritises industrialisation and manufacturing at the expense of the environment. This is not just a slogan, but the reality of the world we live in. The modern world is an integrated one, one where international âco-operationâ and conflict cannot be readily separated, and which are expressed through international institutions and organisations like the UN, WTO, World Bank, EU, NATO, and so on. Inglorious Bastards makes a serious argument about violence. It is the interest of the owners of society, who in turn can only express the fundamental needs of capital â accumulate or die. There is no essence of national resistance, no essential oppressed national spirit which is being channelled by the national liberation forces. As the record of atrocities and the death toll mounted, coming to a final stop at around 1,500 dead, large protests took place around the world, with a significant protest movement developing in Britain. And of course it was the setting up of this Israeli state following the Holocaust which is carrying out these brutal actions now. They put the word âmartyrâ in quotes; a massive insult to all those killed in the anti-fascist struggle. The anarchist communist opposition to nationalism must be vocal and clear. it would be good to take on their strongest arguments rather than Mugabe or whatever. Internationalists are familiar with the hysterical response with which interventions can be met. Marx himself, as on so many questions, did not provide any one clear position which we can accurately attribute as categorically âhisâ. On one level, the question itself should be rejected. Under international law, what is happening in parts of Palestine is technically ethnic cleansing, under the UN definition: "rendering an area ethnically homogeneous by using force or intimidation to remove from a given area persons of another ethnic or religious group". Against: Rise of other religions and the non-religious The 2011 census suggested there were 14.1 million people of no religion compared with 7.7 million a decade previously. Itâs an abstraction. I think AIW has pretty much proved the AF are FULL NAZIS and COMPLETELY CULPABLE FOR THE HOLOCAUST, and youse should all be ashamed. The colour of those in charge changed but left the vast population in the same dreadful state of poverty and hopelessness as before. - Phil Mailer, The Ultra movement and the political influences. Your mates in Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade destroyed Palestine Workers' Radio for 'inciting internal conflicts'. This antagonism, which is inherent to capitalism, is one which anarchists see as being capable of moving beyond capitalism. It didnât work, for reasons which are integral to nationalism â these new states were not homogenous, and were themselves were full of new minorities. One thing is absolutely clear about the current situation in Gaza: the Israeli state is committing atrocities which must end immediately. The revulsion at the sight of self-proclaimed socialists cheerleading organisations like Hamas, chanting âwe are all Hezbollahâ at âanti-warâ demonstrations, and supporting regimes which repress workersâ struggles, imprison and execute working class activists, oppress women and persecute gays and lesbians is entirely justified. These are not "Hamas / Fatah regimes". The war in Vietnam ran the risk of damaging short â term capital accumulation, but nonetheless formed part of a grander imperial strategy which stood to benefit the interests of US capital by securing the leading global role of the US and making the âfree worldâ safe for investment and exploitation. This movement took the form of regular street protests in cities, a wave of 28 university occupations around the country and occasional attacks against companies supposedly implicated in the war. If you are quoting Fredy Perlman to counter our argument then you clearly haven't read The Continuing Appeal of Nationalism properly: In fact the entire argument of that pamphlet is similar to ours: nationalism is and always has been a vital weapon in capital's arsenal, that there is nothing "progressive" in "national liberation movements", and that "liberated nations" throughout history have shown themselves as capable of brutality as their oppressors. 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